It's Black History Month in the Britain, and it appears it’s time for a reassessment. Over the years, an celebration that was initiated as a celebration and reminder of heritage, traditions and links between Black populations worldwide, has adopted a commercial tone, expanding to include events where individuals of African heritage are compensated to address predominantly white listeners about “unconscious bias” and “allyship”. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade created a surge in the industry of showcasing anti-racist commitment. Yet, that phase is now over. The surge has reached its height, producing a diluted aftermath of what raising awareness is for.
Originally observed in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with a week of celebration and reflection in the February's second week. Black History Month developed from this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the United States and Canada in the second month, but also in the tenth month in the United Kingdom, Deutschland, the Republic of Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The observance has evolved since those days, giving reduced attention to the accounts of transatlantic enslavement and civil rights battles, and increasingly on influential individuals of color in public life, creative fields, and advocacy, and broadly celebrating the contribution Black people have made to mold society. It is in schools where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the manner the observance is celebrated is a reflection of the contemporary political context. How it develops is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to weakening: the restructuring of Black History Month has hindered the objective of it, which is to address structural and organizational discrimination.
Hardly anything shows how crucial it is to rethink Black History Month better than the specific period in which it falls this year. In the Britain, a revitalized conservative movement in the form of the Reform organization is ahead in surveys. In the recent season we witnessed the biggest extreme right demonstration in the UK's past. a prominent political figure, the African descendant in charge of the right-wing political group, is a staunch adversary of anti-racism activism, and we are in a place where a elected representative gains confidence to declare that “not seeing any white faces” in certain urban areas is a reason for concern. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are expanding in the European continent as a entirety.
In the United States, a significant offensive against DEI and affirmative action has been brought, often successfully, to the top legal institutions of the nation. A campaign to erase African American heritage and narrative from the historical documents is in progress. One of Donald Trump's first executive orders aimed at the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the renowned cultural organization, alleging that they of a organized and extensive campaign to change the national past” by depicting the United States “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the month symbolises how insufficiently it can be effective if it is limited to either obligatory business commemorations, or depoliticized celebrations of contributions in the past, rather than challenging the conditions of the contemporary world. It also reveals how its restricted time span means that it is disconnected from the more extensive continuous action that is required. Denise Miller, a professor at a learning establishment, expressed it perfectly when she voiced worries about the temporary “tokenism” of the month. “The problem with adopting a symbolic stance”, she wrote, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month becomes a brief show rather than a catalyst for change.”
Figuring out how to adapt, revise and extend initiatives for equal rights and acknowledgment in such times of discouragement and concern is a treacherous thing. There is a temptation to just discontinue events including Black History Month completely, believing they are simply not fit for purpose, or are relics of an time that has failed to deliver.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and heritage of racial movements – local anti-racism groups, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and certainly, even commercial engagements – constitute an infrastructure that a considerable labor has gone into. It is there not merely to decline as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, deteriorates), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is distributed throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around historic Black characters) included in school curriculums. It would also be a time that does not evade governmental matters, and leaves space for people, particularly youth, to share their anxieties and narratives. What purpose serves mere awareness of the past when it ignores the current situation of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the public spaces? Institutions who celebrate it should not be comforted with the neutral terminology of “unconscious bias” and awareness of “microaggressions”, but challenged by the dangers that face all if anti-racism is not approached earnestly. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made current, urgent, and responsive. Perhaps an entire name rebrand is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.
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